Following both real and idealized models from previous times, the system was established at the beginning of the 7th century CE evolving over several dynasties into a complex institution that prevailed for 1, years before its abolition in Moreover, candidates were selected based on their performance rather than their pedigree.
Civil examinations in late imperial China — intersected with politics, society, economy, and Chinese intellectual life. Both local elites and the imperial court influenced the dynastic government to reexamine and adjust the classical curriculum and to entertain new ways to improve the system for selecting officials.
As a result, civil examinations represented a test of educational merit that served to tie the dynasty and literati culture together bureaucratically.
Civil examinations were not an obstacle to modern state building. Classical examinations were an effective cultural, social, political, and educational construction that met the needs of the dynastic bureaucracy while simultaneously supporting late imperial social structure.
Gentry and merchant status groups were defined in part by examination degree credentials. Although civil examinations themselves were not an avenue for widespread social mobility, nevertheless a social by-product was the limited circulation of elites in the government from gentry, military, and merchant backgrounds.
In addition, the large pool of examination failures created a source of literary talent that flowed easily into ancillary roles as novelists, playwrights, pettifoggers, ritual specialists, and lineage agents.
The unforeseen consequences when the civil examinations were summarily eliminated Eight-legged essay modern reformers in reveals that late imperial civil examinations represented a partnership between the dynasty in power and its gentry-merchant elites.
Imperial interests and literati values were equally served. They fell together in the twentieth-century Chinese revolution. Late imperial examinations broke with medieval — poetic and literary traditions and successfully made "Learning of the Way" Neo-Confucianism the state orthodoxy.
The intersections between elite social life, popular culture, religion, and the mantic arts reveal the full cultural scope and magnitude of the examination in 1, counties, prefectures, and 17 provinces.
These testing sites elicited the voluntary participation of millions of men—women were excluded—and attracted the attention of elites and commoners. Its demise brought with it consequences that the last rulers of imperial China and reformist gentry underestimated.
The Manchu Qing dynasty was complicit in its own dismantling after the forces of delegitimation and decanonization were unleashed by reformist Chinese gentry, who prevailed in late-nineteenth-century education circles and convinced the imperial court to eliminate the entire examination institution in Reform of education and the elimination of examinations in China after was tied to newly defined national goals of Western-style change that superseded conservative imperial goals of maintaining dynastic power, granting gentry prestige, and affirming classical orthodoxy.
Since the Song-Yuan-Ming transition —the struggle between insiders and outsiders to unite the empire had resulted in over four hundred years of so-called barbarian rule over the Han Chinese. With the Republican Revolution ofthat historical narrative ended. Power, Politics, and Examinations Classical philosophy and imperial politics became partners during the Mongol Yuan dynasty, when Song dynasty — classical interpretations were made the orthodox guidelines for the imperial examination system.
Ming — and Qing — appropriations of that orthodoxy affected how literati learning would be interpreted and used in later dynasties as a political ideology. The late imperial civil system elaborated the Song-Yuan civil examination model under the impact of commercialization and demographic growth, which allowed the process to expand to all 1, counties.
In addition, the upsurge in candidates meant that officialdom became the prerogative of a very slim minority. As the door to a fixed number of official appointments, civil examinations also conferred social and cultural status on families seeking to become or maintain their status as local elites.
Competitive tensions also explain the policelike rigor of the civil service examinations that Han Chinese insiders and Manchu warrior outsiders both supported.
Political forces and cultural fears forced Han Chinese and their non-Han rulers to agree publicly how imperial and bureaucratic authority was conveyed through the accredited cultural institutions of the civil examinations.
Political legitimation transmitted through education succeeded because enhanced social status and legal privileges were an important by-product of the examination competition.
Quotas based on the ratio between successful and failed candidates further demonstrated that the state saw access to the civil service as a means to regulate the power of elites. Government control of selection quotas was most keenly felt at the initial, licensing stages of the examination competition.
Byfor example, there were about 30, classical literate licentiates out of an approximate population of 65 million, a ratio of almost one licentiate per 2, persons.
In there were perhapslicentiates in a total population of some million, or a ratio of one licentiate per persons. Because of economic advantages in South China especially the Yangzi Delta but also Fujian and Guangdongcandidates from the south performed the best on the civil examinations.
To keep the south's domination of the examinations within acceptable bounds, Ming education officials settled in on an official ratio of 60 to 40 for allocations of the highest degrees to candidates from the south versus the north, which was slightly modified to 55 to 10 to 35 a year later by adding a central region.
The examination hall became a contested site, where the political interests of the dynasty, the social interests of its elites, and the cultural ideals of classical learning were compromised.
Examination halls were supervised by literati officials, who were in charge of the military and police apparatus to control the thousands of men brought together to be tested at a single place. Forms of resistance to imperial prerogative emerged among examiners, and widespread dissatisfaction and corruption among the candidates at times triumphed over the high-minded goals of some of the examiners.In Chinese literature: General characteristics in this borderland, is the baguwen (“eight-legged essay”).
Now generally regarded as unworthy of classification as literature, for centuries (from to ) it dominated the field of Chinese writing as the principal yardstick in grading candidates in the official civil-service examinations.
traced back to the “Eight legged essay”, an aus-tere writing style in the Ming-Qing dynasty.2 We explore automated routine writing, with paper ab-stract writing as a case study.
Given a title, we aim to automatically generate a paper abstract. We hope our approach can serve as an assistive tech-. The eight-legged essay (Chinese: 八股文; pinyin: bāgǔwén) was a style of essay writing that had to be mastered to pass the imperial examinations during the Ming and Qing dynasties.
Name The eight-legged essay is named so because it was divided into eight sections. Home | Topic | 8 legged essay Home › Forums › Feeding › 8 legged essay This topic contains 0 replies, has 1 voice, and was last updated by saijichi 2 months ago. A modern eight legged essay addressing economic and social policy in accordance with Ancient Chinese governing principles.
The eight-legged essay was an essay writing technique, which was needed to be mastered by those aspiring to pass imperial examinations during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Do You Have What It Takes To Construct The Essay?
The eight-legged essay is eight-legged, literally and metaphorically. The essay was constructed around a specific structure.